The Associated Press
For decades, the Uighur imam was a bedrock of his farming community in China’s far west. On Fridays, he preached Islam as a religion of peace. On Sundays, he treated the sick with free herbal medicine. In the winter, he bought coal for the poor.
As a Chinese government mass detention campaign engulfed Memtimin Emer’s native Xinjiang region in 2017, the elderly imam was swept up and locked away, along with all three of his sons.
Now, a newly revealed database exposes in extraordinary detail the main reasons for the detentions of Emer, his three sons, and hundreds of others in Karakax County: their religion and their family ties.
The database profiles the internment of 311 people with relatives abroad and lists information on more than 2,000 of their relatives, neighbors and friends. Each entry includes the detainee’s name, address, national identity number, detention date and location, along with a detailed dossier on the detainee’s family, religious and neighborhood background, the reason for detention, and a decision on whether to release them. Issued within the past year, the documents do not indicate which government department compiled them or for whom.
The information offers the fullest and most personal view yet into how People’s Republic of China (PRC) officials decided who to put into and let out of detention camps as part of a massive crackdown that has locked away more than a million ethnic minorities, most of them Muslims.
The database emphasizes that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) focused on religion as a reason for detention — not just political extremism, as authorities claim, but ordinary activities such as praying, attending a mosque or even growing a long beard. It also shows the role of family: People with detained relatives are far more likely to end up in a camp themselves, uprooting and criminalizing entire families like Emer’s in the process.
Similarly, family background and attitude is a bigger factor than detainee behavior in whether they are released.
“It’s very clear that religious practice is being targeted,” said Darren Byler, a University of Colorado researcher studying the use of surveillance technology in Xinjiang. “They want to fragment society, to pull the families apart and make them much more vulnerable to retraining and reeducation.”
The Xinjiang regional government did not respond to faxes requesting comment. Asked whether Xinjiang is targeting religious people and their families, Foreign Ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said, “This kind of nonsense is not worth commenting on.” Beijing has said before that the detention centers are for voluntary job training and that it does not discriminate based on religion.
The PRC has struggled for decades to control Xinjiang, where the native Uighurs have long resented Beijing’s heavy-handed rule. With the 9/11 attacks in the United States, officials began using the specter of terrorism to justify harsher religious restrictions, saying young Uighurs were susceptible to Islamic extremism. After militants set off bombs at a train station in Xinjiang’s capital in 2014, General Secretary Xi Jinping launched a so-called People’s War on Terror, transforming Xinjiang into a digital police state.
The leak of the database from sources in the Uighur exile community follows the release in November 2019 of a classified blueprint on how the mass detention system really works. The blueprint obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, which includes The Associated Press, showed that the centers are forced ideological and behavioral reeducation camps run in secret. Another set of documents leaked to The New York Times newspaper revealed the historical lead-up to the mass detention.
The latest set of documents came from sources in the Uighur exile community, and the most recent date in them is March 2019. The detainees listed come from Karakax County, a traditional settlement of about 650,000 on the edge of Xinjiang’s Taklamakan desert where more than 97 percent of residents are Uighur. The list was corroborated through interviews with former Karakax residents, Chinese identity verification tools, and other lists and documents.
Detainees and their families are tracked and classified by rigid, well-defined categories. Households are designated as “trustworthy” or “not trustworthy,” and their attitudes are graded as “ordinary” or “good.” Families have “light” or “heavy” religious atmospheres, and the database keeps count of how many relatives of each detainee are locked in prison or sent to a “training center.”
Officials used these categories to determine how suspicious a person was — even if the person hadn’t committed any crimes. “It underscores the witch-hunt mindset of the government, and how the government criminalizes everything,” said Adrian Zenz, an expert on the detention centers and senior fellow at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation in Washington, D.C.
Reasons listed for internment include “minor religious infection,” “disturbs other persons by visiting them without reasons,” “relatives abroad,” “thinking is hard to grasp” and “untrustworthy person born in a certain decade.” The last seems to refer to younger men; about 31 percent of people considered “untrustworthy” were in the age bracket of 25 to 29 years, according to an analysis of the data by Zenz.
When former student Abdullah Muhammad spotted Emer’s name on the list of the detained, he was distraught. “He didn’t deserve this,” Muhammad said. Though Emer gave party-approved sermons, he refused to preach CCP propaganda, Muhammad said, eventually running into trouble with the authorities. He was stripped of his position as an imam and barred from teaching in 1997, amid unrest roiling the region.
None of Emer’s three sons had been convicted of a crime. However, the database shows that over the course of 2017, all were thrown into the detention camps for having too many children, trying to travel abroad, being “untrustworthy,” “infected with religious extremism,” or going on the Hajj, the Muslim pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca. It also shows that their relation to Emer and their religious background was enough to convince officials they were too dangerous to let out from the detention camps. Even a neighbor was tainted by living near him, with Emer’s alleged crimes and prison sentence recorded in the neighbor’s dossier.
The database indicates much of this information is collected by teams of cadres stationed at mosques, sent to visit homes and posted in communities. This information is then compiled in a dossier called the “three circles,” encompassing their relatives, community and religious background.
The database shows that Karakax officials also explicitly targeted people for activities that included going abroad, getting a passport or installing foreign software.
In the case of Emer, who is now under house arrest due to health issues, it was the imam’s courage and stubbornness that did him in, according to his former student Muhammad. Though deprived of his mosque and his right to teach, Emer quietly defied the authorities for two decades by staying true to his faith. “Unlike some other scholars, he never cared about money or anything else the Communist Party could give him,” Muhammad said. “He never bowed down to them — and that’s why they wanted to eliminate him.”